Latin America and the War in Ukraine: Allies, Neutrals, and Supporters of Moscow
Latin America during the war in Ukraine: the region is divided into supporters of Kyiv, neutral peacemakers, and allies of Moscow
After the start of full-scale war in Ukraine, Latin American countries took very different positions. In a series of votes at the UN, most leaders in the region supported Ukraine, but there were also fierce opponents of Moscow.
For example, in October 2022, 143 UN countries condemned Russia's annexation by supporting a resolution. Most of Latin America voted in favor, but Nicaragua was the only country to vote against it, and Cuba abstained. At the same time, some leaders of Latin American countries, such as Brazil, spoke of the need for negotiations or even proposed “peace plans” without clearly condemning the aggression. Overall, however, the region split into three groups: supporters of Ukraine, those with a neutral stance, and allies of Moscow.
Supporters of Ukraine: they unequivocally condemned the Russian attack, defend Ukraine's sovereignty, and support the global opposition to the aggressor. These include Colombia, Chile, and Argentina.
Neutral/peacekeepers: they call for negotiations and do not want to confront either side sharply. These include Mexico (its president, López Obrador, proposed his own peace plan), as well as Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, and others. Like Colombian President Gustavo Petro, they often advocate diplomacy, stating that the war should be resolved through agreements. Despite this, many recruits from these countries are joining the ranks of the Ukrainian Armed Forces.
Moscow's allies: Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba, and other authoritarian governments. These regimes refrain from condemning the Kremlin or openly support its aggression. For example, Nicaragua voted against the UN resolution (as did some anti-Western countries) and helped ensure that the vote on Zelensky's video address took place only after a brief discussion. Cuba abstained during the vote to condemn the annexation. The leaders of these states cooperate directly with the Russian Federation: they have recognized the “independence” of the so-called “LPR/DPR” and receive military and economic support from Russia.
Brazil's Policy: Lula's Peacemaking Ambitions
Brazilian President Luiz Inácio (Lula) da Silva has embarked on a foreign policy that is more independent of the US, positioning Brazil as a mediator in the conflict. Instead of unconditional support for Ukraine, Lula insisted on negotiations. He said, “I don't want to get us into this war. I want to end it.” In February 2023, in an interview with CNN, Lula said that it was necessary to “find people who can sit down with Putin and show him his mistake,” as well as “create a group of countries to bring Russia and Ukraine to the peace table.”
The new Brazilian government also advocated for UN reform and the strengthening of the global South — for example, Brazil initiated a joint six-point peace proposal with China aimed at de-escalating the conflict. The Ukrainian side rejected this plan because it was clearly not beneficial. Brazil also refrains from unilateral sanctions against Russia. Its foreign minister said that the country only recognizes sanctions approved by the UN Security Council, therefore considering all others “illegal.”
This position is primarily due to economic factors: Brazil is one of the world's largest importers of mineral fertilizers, mainly from Russia and Belarus. Back in the spring of 2022, Brazil, along with several neighboring countries, called for fertilizers to be excluded from sanctions against Russia in order to avoid a food crisis. Thus, Brazil's official rhetoric — “peace through dialogue” — is combined with a desire to maintain neutrality and not involve the country in foreign policy conflicts.
Argentina: Rhetorical Support for Ukraine and Military Contracts
Argentina has traditionally declared its support for Ukraine's sovereignty, especially at the diplomatic level. Back in 2022, then-opposition politician and current President Javier Milei displayed the Ukrainian flag in parliament and stated that Argentina had no intention of forming alliances with Russia. After being elected president in December 2023, he openly supported Ukraine, inviting President Zelenskyy to his inauguration and publicly expressing his willingness to help. Zelensky himself called the visit to Argentina a “diplomatic breakthrough” and received a powerful signal of solidarity from Milei: for example, Milei supported the idea of holding a “Ukraine-Latin America” summit and also promised to learn from the experience of peace negotiations.
In addition, the Argentine government joined most Latin American countries in voting for UN resolutions condemning Russia's aggression. At the same time, actual arms deliveries from Argentina to Ukraine were mostly symbolic. In mid-2024, the idea of transferring five modernized Super Étendard attack aircraft (these were old French aircraft that were effectively out of service) to Ukraine was officially approved. The agreement was more political in nature, as these aircraft are practically unsuitable for combat use due to a ban on certain spare parts.
In general, Argentina refused to supply Ukraine with modern weapons itself, but began to conclude large-scale contracts with the US and the EU for its own armed forces.
Thus, in April 2024 Argentina agreed to purchase 24 F-16 fighter jets from Denmark (a package worth approximately $320 million), and the US government agreed to provide a package of ammunition and technical support worth $941 million. At the same time, the purchase of American Stryker armored personnel carriers was agreed upon. These agreements are Argentina's first large-scale acquisitions since a long period of military decline and demonstrate Buenos Aires' new pro-Western course. According to Western observers, Milei is bringing Argentina closer to NATO — in fact, the country has become a candidate for non-NATO ally status in the region.
Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba: Moscow's Allies
On the contrary, the governments of Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Cuba have openly sided with the Kremlin. The leaders of these countries have built a strong military-political alliance with Russia. Already in February 2022, Nicaragua recognized the independence of the Donbas regions occupied by militants — one of the first countries in the world after Russia to do so. In Venezuela, Maduro has long been engaged in anti-American rhetoric and receives financial and military assistance from Russia. During Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's visit to Caracas in April 2023, it was stated that “Russia, together with China, is an unconditional ally” of the Maduro government.
According to official data, Russia has already supplied Venezuela with dozens of helicopters, fighter jets, and combat weapons. In 2023–24, Russian military ships (which had not visited the region for decades) repeatedly visited the ports of Venezuela and Cuba, confirming intensive cooperation. In 2024, the Russian training cruiser Novorossiysk docked in the Cuban capital Havana, and Russian diplomats also visited Managua (Nicaragua). All three countries refused to join the global campaign condemning the aggression: they are boycotting relevant initiatives at the UN (as mentioned above, Nicaragua voted “against” and Cuba abstained).
Prospects for Ukrainian Diplomacy in the Region
Kyiv is aware of the importance of Latin America and has therefore stepped up its diplomatic efforts. The Ukrainian Foreign Ministry has repeatedly stated that Latin America is a priority area for Ukrainian foreign policy. In December 2023, President Zelenskyy visited Argentina, which was a real diplomatic breakthrough. At that time, Javier Milei personally promised Zelensky comprehensive support and confirmed his intention to organize a Ukraine-Latin America summit to directly present Kyiv's position to all leaders in the region.
The Ukrainian delegation discussed cooperation on security, food supplies, and humanitarian aid with the Argentine government. It is also important that Argentina has one of the largest Ukrainian diasporas in the region, which contributes to building trust and mutual understanding between the countries. At the same time, Ukraine has begun to strengthen its presence in other Latin American capitals.
Last year, a special representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was appointed to the region, and a comprehensive cooperation strategy is being developed. It is highly symbolic: previously, there were only a few Ukrainian embassies in Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, Mexico, Peru, Chile), while Russia has over a hundred diplomatic, trade, and cultural missions there. In addition, the US warns of powerful Russian propaganda in the region. According to the State Department, Moscow finances media and influencer networks in many Latin American countries to weaken support for Ukraine and sow distrust of the US.
This means that Kyiv must compete with them not only in diplomacy but also in the information field. Despite these challenges, Kyiv has prospects. The leaders of several Latin American countries have already condemned the war and called for de-escalation, Ukrainian diplomacy is establishing contacts with the new government of Bolivia, maintaining ties with Mexico after the change of power, and seeking cooperation with poorer countries (for example, Guatemala became the first country in the region to join the creation of a special tribunal on aggression). The main task is to transform the declarative “neutrality” of many governments into real support for Ukraine in the UN and practical partnership in various areas.
Bohdan Popov, Head of Digital at the United Ukraine Think Tank, communications specialist and public figure