Diaspora Diplomacy: How Ukrainian Americans Strengthen U.S.-Ukraine Ties
The Ukrainian diaspora in the US, numbering about a million people, actively influences American politics and elections through lobbying organizations, financial support for candidates, and consolidation of votes in key states.
Demographic Profile of the Ukrainian Community in the US
It is estimated that there are about one million Americans of Ukrainian descent. This is approximately 0.3% of the US population. After the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022, tens of thousands of Ukrainians arrived in the US — for example, 74,694 people arrived in 2022, according to the 2023American Community Survey survey.
However, many of them arrived under temporary protection programs (TPS), the United for Ukraine program, and refugee status, and because they did not have US citizenship, they could not participate in elections.
The main centers of the Ukrainian diaspora in the US are large urban agglomerations: New York (22% of immigrants from Ukraine), California (16%), and Washington (9%) (2015–19 ACS data). There are also significant communities in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois (the so-called “Rust Belt”), as well as in Minnesota, North Dakota, Washington state, and in large cities such as Los Angeles, Sacramento, etc.
For example, in 2022, there were ~92–122 thousand Ukrainians in Pennsylvania (according to local media estimates), and about 33 thousand in Michigan (mainly in Eastern Michigan). There are also compact Ukrainian communities in New Jersey, Illinois, Florida, Washington, Oregon, etc. (the metropolitan areas of Chicago, Seattle, Washington State). An important indicator is citizenship and voter turnout. A high proportion of Ukrainian immigrants have become US citizens: according to MPI data, 73% of Ukrainian immigrants are naturalized US citizens (compared to 52% among all immigrants).
In addition, the Ukrainian community has a relatively large number of elderly people and families, who traditionally have a high voter turnout. According to demographers' estimates, about 20% of Ukrainians in the US have not yet reached voting age. A distinctive feature is that members of the diaspora are concentrated in certain areas (compact living), so in some counties (particularly in Pennsylvania and Michigan), even a small community can provide a critical number of votes.
For example, in the aforementioned states, the number of Ukrainian voters exceeds Trump's 2016 margin of victory (11,000 in Michigan). In 13 congressional districts, the diaspora prevailed or equaled the “win” in the election, so future candidates are taking note of Ukrainian votes and including issues of support for Ukraine in their programs.
Ukrainian lobbyists and community organizations are active
The most prominent Ukrainian organizations in the US include the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF), and foundations/initiatives such as Razom for Ukraine.
The UCCA (a federation of ~110 local Ukrainian societies) has existed since the 1940s and is actively involved in political, cultural, and educational activities. Since 1977, the UCCA has had its permanent headquarters in Washington, D.C. — the Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS), which handles relations with Congress and the government. As UCCA itself notes, UNIS “helps Ukrainian Americans across the country meet with their elected representatives.”
This structure maintains contact with the bipartisan “Ukrainian Caucus” in the House of Representatives and Senate, regularly sending “action alerts” to activists about current legislative initiatives and party positions (e.g., prior to the 2020 conventions, UCCA presented the DRC and RC with a 100-page position paper entitled “U.S. Relations with Ukraine”). UCCA is a non-profit public organization funded by membership fees, charitable donations, and events (in particular, “Ukrainian Days in D.C.”), but its profile is more cultural and educational with elements of advocacy (lobbying).
The U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (Washington, D.C.) is an organization created by Ukrainian immigrants that works to strengthen the partnership between the United States and Ukraine in the areas of democracy, education, and culture. It organizes expert forums (Friends of Ukraine Network), public events, and finances pro-Ukrainian projects (anti-corruption, reforms, etc.). Although there is no direct data on the USUF budget, it is known that its programs are supported by private donations.
Razom for Ukraine is a volunteer fund (also registered as a non-profit organization in New York) founded in 2014. Its main activity is collecting and sending humanitarian aid to Ukraine. Since the start of the full-scale war, Razom has raised over $100 million in donations and delivered hundreds of tons of tactical equipment, medical supplies, drones, etc. Razom also has its own advocacy team in Washington, D.C., which conducts information campaigns and meets with politicians to discuss support for Ukraine.
Such organizations typically have budgets in the millions of dollars (Razom's budget at the end of 2022 is approximately $1 million in net assets) and a large base of individual donors (Razom has more than 120,000 individual donors).
In addition, there are numerous local organizations: the Ukrainian World Congress, a global diaspora network with branches across the US; the Ukrainian National Association (UNA); local chapters of the Ukrainian Orthodox and Greek Catholic churches (which often hold cultural and community events); credit unions (such as Self Reliance FCU); and others.
All of them consolidate the Ukrainian community, conduct educational programs, and in recent years have also joined political initiatives through actions in support of Ukraine. The most visible channels of their influence are direct meetings with congressmen, the dissemination of political statements (action alerts), support for opinion leaders, and the creation of media reports. Ukrainian organizations also actively form coalitions with other ethnic and civic groups to jointly lobby on national issues (such as the restructuring of the defense contracting system or energy security).
Ukrainians in the US contribute to election campaign financing
Although the Ukrainian community does not create large new Super PACs, some of its representatives participate in campaign financing. For example, in 2023–2024, the registered PAC American Ukraine PAC collected donations and transferred them to congressional candidates. During the 2023–24 cycle, the PAC spent about $40,100 on contributions to candidates, mostly Republicans (75%), but also Democrats.
Among the recipients were well-known supporters of Ukraine: Representative Marcy Kaptur (D-OH) received $2,700, Senator Susan Wilde (D-PA) received $6,200, bipartisan co-sponsors Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA) received $900, and Ami Bera (D-CA) received $1,800. This example illustrates that the Ukrainian-American donor pool, although not huge, works with both parties, but with an emphasis on those who support aid to Ukraine.
Individual Ukrainian entrepreneurs and philanthropists can also make private contributions. For example, tech entrepreneurs of Ukrainian origin in Silicon Valley are publicly known as significant donors to national PACs – for example, PayPal co-founder Max Levchin has donated tens of thousands of dollars to both parties in various cycles (donors associated with a pro-Ukrainian position consistently supported the Democratic Party in 2020–2024). However, there is little systematic data available on the amounts of private contributions from “Ukrainians” specifically. The main role of the Ukrainian community is to mobilize at meetings with voters, inform politicians about the opinion of the diaspora, and consolidate votes in problematic districts.
What Allies Are There in Congress and Is there any Influence on the US Administration?
The Ukrainian diaspora has significant influence thanks to its close work with congressmen and active advocacy. The main “allies” of Ukraine's interests in Congress are bipartisan groups such as the Congressional Ukraine Caucus in the House of Representatives and the Senate Ukraine Caucus in the Senate.
For example, Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur (D-OH) is co-chair of the Ukrainian Caucus in the House and, according to experts, “has considerable influence in Congress” and has been initiating legislation in support of Ukraine for many years. This caucus brings together more than 90 members of Congress from both parties. In the Senate, a similar lobby is led by co-chairs Richard Durbin (D-IL) and Roger Wicker (R-MS).
Other allies include representatives of the White House: the Biden administration has always received extensive feedback from the Ukrainian community (in Ukraine, they say that the diaspora acts as “millions of lobbyists for Ukraine around the world”). Ukrainians in the US also consistently support the ruling administration on bipartisan issues concerning Ukraine. For example, public appeals (UCCA/UNIS) were regularly sent to the White House asking not to cut financial aid.
During his visits to the US, President Zelensky thanked the American diaspora and demonstrated joint actions with the Administration to defend Ukrainian interests. On the other hand, targeted “lobbying briefings” (within the framework of UCCA/UNIS or Razom) inform Congress about the real situation on the front lines, which helps in making decisions about new aid packages. For example, due to active pressure from both sides, Congress has repeatedly included expenditures for Ukraine in budget laws — for example, for 2022–2025, the US has adopted a series of emergency appropriations (totaling tens of billions of dollars) for military and humanitarian support to Ukraine.
Key initiatives include the Lend-Lease Act of 2022, which accelerated the transfer of weapons, and many joint resolutions supporting Ukraine's sovereignty. The Ukrainian diaspora actively lobbied for these decisions through coalitions with Western and Eastern European groups (meetings with senators, thematic days in the Capitol, etc.).
There are also politicians of Ukrainian descent among the members of Congress. Victoria Spartz (Republican from Indiana) is the first congresswoman born in Ukraine, known for her critical views on aid to Kyiv. However, she is rather an exception. There are many more politicians with a “receptive” Ukrainian background: co-chair of the caucus Andy Harris (R-MD), representatives Gus Bilirakis (R-FL), Brendan Boyle (D-PA), and others. At the state level, there are well-known governors with Ukrainian roots – Jared Polis (Colorado) and J.B. Pritzker (Illinois), who are actively involved in helping refugees and demonstrate a pro-Ukrainian position.
The US administration largely takes into account the position of the diaspora: for example, the Biden administration has not stopped military aid to Ukraine (which directly corresponds to the wishes of the Ukrainian community), while some Republicans (such as Trump) have had to adjust their rhetoric under pressure from their own Ukrainian electorate, who have largely switched to the Democrats due to the latter's “pro-Ukrainian” foreign policy in recent years.
Overall, the Ukrainian diaspora in the US is working together to push for legislation related to Ukraine's security and sanctions against aggressors. Its influence has been felt in the adoption of a number of laws on aid and reform, as well as in the support of many politicians who regularly express their support for Ukraine's sovereignty (especially those whose constituencies have a significant Ukrainian community).
Ukrainian American Congressional Caucus: Status and Prospects
An important structure is the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, a bipartisan association of members of the House of Representatives (founded in 1997) that promotes the strengthening of ties between the US and Ukraine. According to the UCCA, this group “brings together members who share a common interest in strengthening bilateral relations” and “with the participation of the Ukrainian American community, directs support to Ukraine, starting with democratization and market reforms.”
As of 2025, the co-chairs of the caucus are Representatives Marcy Kaptur (D-OH), Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), Andy Harris (R-MD), and Mike Quigley (D-IL). In total, the caucus has about 100 members (according to media reports, more than 90 congressmen). There is a similar Senate Ukraine Caucus, co-chaired in 2025 by Senators Dick Durbin (D) and Roger Wicker (R). The activities of these caucuses primarily involve regularly informing Congress about the situation in Ukraine and playing an advisory role in policy-making. They organize hearings, meetings with diplomats (including Ukrainian ambassadors), and prepare joint appeals to the US government.
For example, in early 2025, the caucuses helped introduce amendments to bills on additional appropriations for Ukraine's defense, on strengthening sanctions against Russian officials, and on supporting Europe's energy security (legislative initiatives directly related to Ukraine's interests). A significant part of these initiatives was developed by the co-chairs and active members of the caucus, who work closely with Ukrainian organizations.
The Ukrainian American Caucus remains one of the most active ethnic coalitions in Congress. In the context of the ongoing war, its importance will obviously only grow. In the future, the caucus may broaden its focus: for example, on reforming the US defense industry or developing technological partnerships with strategic sectors in Ukraine.
At the same time, the implementation of the law on “dual citizenship” (draft 2024) by Ukrainian politicians could potentially activate the voices of the diaspora abroad. In any case, by 2025, the activities of the Ukrainian Caucus have already yielded tangible results: numerous legislative acts passed by Congress directly reflect the focus on supporting Ukraine and strengthening its international position under the influence of the Ukrainian community in the US.
Bohdan Popov, head of digital at the United Ukraine Think Tank, communications specialist, and public figure